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faction strong enough in influence with the governors and the colonial office to secure their dismissal.

Colonial Parliaments.—Let us now turn to the legislature in each province. Li form, as Simcoe said, it was the "very image and transcript" of the British parliament. It consisted of the Crown (represented by the governor), a legislative council, supposed to take the place of the British House of Lords, and a representative assembly, chosen by popular election. The assent of all three branches was, of course, necessary to the passing of any Act. The governor, in giving or withholding the Crown's assent to bills which had passed the two Houses, was responsible to the colonial office. The legislative council was, in theory, a body of superior citizens. The fact that its members held their seats for life was considered a guarantee of independent action ; of freedom, on the one hand, from subserviency to the Crown, and of immunity, on the other, from any sudden impulse of popular passion or prejudice. The assembly was the sole representative of the wishes of the people.

Colonial Revenues.—The power conferred upon the colonial parliaments to make the laws by which in local matters the colonists were to be governed must not be lightly valued. That it did not carry with it proper control over the executive government of the provinces was owing to the fact that for many years the colonial revenues were largely derived from sources over which the assemblies had no control. Even in the matter of legislation, the officials long retained a dominant influence, for, through the legislative council, they could defeat any measure tending to weaken their hold upon the government of the province. For many years, therefore, the only remedy for executive misrule was an appeal to the British ministry through the colonial secretary.

Financial control by the "people's house" would have pre-vented all this, and reforms would speedily have been forced upon the executive without the necessity for an appeal to Downing Street. After years of practically useless struggle to remedy particular abuses the popular leaders became convinced—to use the words of Joseph Howe, one of the most noted of them—that the touchstone of liberty was the control of the supplies. The colonial revenues may be conveniently classified as follows : (1) The "casual and territorial" revenues of the Crown, arising from

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