the French Republic it had nothing in common. The downfall of the throne, of the aristocracy, of the Church in France produced only astonishment and horror among the devout and conservative people of Quebec. And it was to the advantage of Great Britain that the people of Quebec should be divorced in sympathy from the people of Old France. Great Britain was then on the side of conservatism in Europe. The more conservative, even reactionary the people of Quebec were, the farther removed they were from all danger of sympathy with the Revolutionists of France. The more intense was their devotion to the Roman Catholic Church, the more they were severed from those who had declared war on that Church. Edmund Burke did more than any other man to create the British sentiment which brought Great Britain into war with France. Few things aroused his indignation more than the attack on the Church and the "dishonest, perfidious and cruel confiscation" of its property; and he warmly defended the Roman Catholic clergy "plundered, degraded, and given over to mockery and scorn." The devout and conservative French Canadian would have been a man after Burke's heart.
The French Canadian to-day is the same as he was in the days of the French Revolution. But Great Britain has swung around from Burke, Peel, and Castlereagh to Lloyd George. We fight to-day by the side of a Republican France which has called down on itself the anger of the Roman Catholic Church. We fight for, not against democracy; and upon our banner is inscribed virtually the motto of the French Revolution,—" Liberty, Equality, Fraternity."
The moral of all this seems to be the need for patience. A long process of education is necessary to bring the French Canadian to the point of view of his brethren. The war and the discussion of recruiting emphasized the difference between Quebec and Ontario, and the danger of friction. A movement was organized for the purpose of promoting a better understanding. One of the motives